Te Whare Wananga o Haoni Waititi
Maurits Kelderman
Masters Question
How does this Whare Wananga differ from
‘mainstream’ institutions in terms of education forms, styles and delivery,
and, how does the Pedogogy of Tikanga Māori influence the planning style and
form of it’s Architectural design.
Māori theological origins
The largely accepted interpretations of Māori
origins lie within Māori Myths and Legends – or Māori theology – the word myth
as I recall Dr. Rangi Walker describe it (circa 1987) relegates it to fiction –
this is the very premise of acceptance of any work or participation in the
Māori community.
Why the Wananga?
Reflections on the Existing System
It becomes increasingly clear that the although
the present Kaupapa Māori system of education has been moderately successful in
helping to stem the loss of language, its accomplishments have been limited.
What has been available to Māori students and parents has been controlled and
shaped by the State education system within which it is embedded. Kaupapa Māori
education has failed along a number of dimensions, and chief among these has
been the ability of the system to produce large numbers of graduates who are
fluent in their language and comfortable in their culture. On the other hand,
the extra-curricular activities of kapahaka and moteatea have been extremely
successful in awakening and nurturing the engagement of Māori youth in their
own culture. Sadly, these extra-curricular activities exist in a marginalised
space within the education curriculum. The result of this disjunction has been
that the deep knowledge, the old knowledge that characterised pre-European
Māori life has been and is being lost. The system’s own mainstream Whare Wananga
(Waikato University, the University of Auckland etc.) offer no opportunities to
address this matter. Indeed, they perpetuate the loss by presenting themselves
as Whare Wananga in a false attempt to appear bi-cultural in order to capture
the Māori student market.
Against this, the Māori Whare Wananga
(Awanuiarangi, Raukawa, Aotearoa) are so constrained by the limitations they
have to accept in order to receive funding under the Education Act that they
compromise their stated aims of tino rangatiratanga in exchange for State
legitimacy. The result has been a gradual loss of precisely those aspects of
Māori culture – the ancient, cosmological aspects of the Māori belief systems
that make it Māori.
If this is the case, then one must ask if this
loss is inevitable, or if, instead, it might be possible, through the
development of an alternative system that specifically addresses these issues –
in essence the develeopment of a traditional Whare Wananga. Can a new kind of
Whare Wanaga provide the education ‘utopia’ that is lacking in the current
models? Although it certainly could be
argued that prior to the emergence of Māori Whare Wananga the uptake of Māori
in tertiary education was woeful, the at the critical level it might also be
argued that the success of the current system has been at best
superficial. The most successful Whare
Wananga (Aotearoa) became the largest tertiary institute growing to 66000+
students in 2004. It became the focus of
the New Zealand mainstream media with questioning of quality and delivery. What
TwoA had proved was there was a place for Māori education in tertiary and its
ability to draw Māori into the tertiary realm had shown the mainstream efforts
to be woeful. But along with its counterparts, Raukawa and Awanuiarangi, it never
delivered on its spectacular promise.
The reasons were many, but the primary reason
for its diminished effectiveness was the 2006 cancellation of the Community
Education budget on which all of the three Wananga relied by the then Labour
Government. The Wananga relied on this income. They had all three developed
pedagogical systems that allowed them to offer basic courses fee-free as a
means of attracting Māori into tertiary study. It was well understood that the
mainstream High Schools were seriously failing Māori students – even those that
had been through Kura Kaupapa Primary and Kohanga Reo systems. These
disenfranchised Māori youth were understandably suspiciopus of a mainstream
system that appeared not to value their culture. Drop-out and non-completion
rates were high. The Community education courses (mostly in Te Reo me Ona
Tikanga) were free and non-examinable. The theory was that a risk-free and
supportive kaupapa Māori environment might rekindle their interest in education
and lead them to take up the many higher level courses (from NZQA Level 1 to
degrees, including PhD) that the Wananga were developing. The development of
these higher level courses was also partially funded by the income from the
Community Education courses that were by now attracting huge numbers of
students.
This was too much for the mainstream
Universities who could see their hold on the Māori student market slipping
away, so pressure was exerted on the Government to cut the budget, and this was
supplemented by media stories of excess and lack of transparency. The result
was the shutting off of the Wananga’s economic lifeblood, and within three
months their growth had been terminated, their dedicated teaching staff
decimated and the hegemony of the mainstream pakeha system reasserted. The high
hopes that the Wananga had held for developing a form of education that
exmplified the principles of tino rangatiratanga were dashed and with them the
possibility of developing a truly authentic Kaupapa Māori Wananga experience.
Instead, the mainstream degree system was once again embraced and the Wananga
were herded back into the dominant system in a greatly diminished role. The
extent to which the mainstream Universities exert influence over the Wnanga can
be witnessed in the current attempts by the Universities to prevent
Awanuiarangi from calling itself an “Indigenous University”, claiming that the
term University is protected under the Education Act. It seems to have escaped
the attention of the Universities that their own use of the term Wananga might
constitute an inappropriate appropriation of a Māori cultural institution – an
extension of the colonial process. Yet despite these criticisms that may be
leveled at Māori education delivery and form it remains clear that it has
brought some improvements to the New Zealand education sphere. It now remains
to be seen how these improvements might now be extended and deepened.
The Education Review Office released an article
in 2008 showing all was not well in Wharekura Māori education – critical to
designers was this statement.
“The issue most frequently identified was the
quality of the physical environment and/or property management. In some cases,
the wharekura had been set up or added to a kura tuatahi. As a result buildings
and resources were sometimes inadequate and indicated a need for the Ministry
of Education to provide better guidance to boards in matters of property
management. “
A Different Kind of Wananga??
The major question for my study of Whare Wananga
was in articulating the point of difference from what could be termed the
mainstream model such as that operating at Waikato, Auckland or Otago.
I have already noted that the language and ethos
of a Wananga is one that reflects Māori ideology and pedagogy. But equally
important is the question of what is different about its delivery and its
environment that responds to the Tikanga Māori practice.
Difference
• Architecture
formulated around Maori Theology
• Movement
through wananga related to Maori cosmology ,Tapu and Noa
• Established
around an existing Marae/pa- Marae at the Heart
• Provision
for te Kauae Runga – re establisment of the role of the tohunga – after
decimation by tohunga suppression act, two world wars currently there is a
movement back to traditional wananga – eg Panekeritanga – Timoti Karetu, Pou Te
Mara – to train spiritual leaders
• Recreation
of a ‘traditional’ learning environment
• Design
for te Kauae Raro
• Complete
educational environment – cradle to the grave
• Performing
arts key to academic involvement – Te Tapere Toi
• Current
marae cannot cope with all of the demands placed upon it hence the repitition
of spaces eg Turangawae, Mana-ariki, Parihaka
A way of looking: The architecture of Rudolph
Schindler, through an alternate lens.
Mathew Brown, Department of Architecture, Unitec,
Auckland
Rudolph Schindler, at the birth of Modernism, explored
new technologies and ways of building to one end: “the creation of space
forms”. Whilst these explorations resulted in a small following and spatially
complex houses, he failed to become as influential as many of his
contemporaries. By designing buildings that required occupation to be fully
understood, Schindler concentrated his efforts on aspects of architecture that
weren’t necessarily apparent through the media. This decision
contributed to the failure of his ideas to be more
widely adopted and demonstrates the importance of the media within modern
practice.
This thesis explores the nature of architectural
representations by carrying out an experiment using comics to represent a
building that incorporates the spatial composition found in Schindler’s work.
It proposes a way of emphasising those aspects of architecture that Schindler
believed were important
and therefore looks to encourage an understanding,
development and perhaps a demand for his approach to building design.
Included within this thesis is a brief review of
traditional architectural representations and discussions around the hypothesis
that there is a connection between the structure of those conventions and the message
they carry. It concludes that careful choice of representation method is
required to demonstrate the strengths of different types of architecture. An
architect who understands this has an advantage in how they transmit their
message in a way that is clear, transparent and understood.
Abstract –
Eloise Veber
Workshop 2
Tues 8 April
2014
Meeting at
the edge
How would we
design Te Papa today?
Abstract
Te Papa
Tongarewa has always faced controversy over the lack of relationship to its
historically/culturally significant waterfront site, the ocean, and the
surrounding urban environment. Not only does this lack of relationship affect
the public’s experience of the Wellington waterfront and the public space surrounding
the museum, but it in turn affects the user’s sense of journey and orientation
through the museum, the spatial orientation of its interior spaces, and any
sense of grounding or belonging for visitors to the building.
New
Zealanders have an undeniable attraction to the coast. As a nation bordering
only oceans, natural activity at the edge has captured our attention and
imagination since early settlement. We are outward looking, obsessed by our
edges. They provide us our nutritional, poetic and spiritual livelihood. Today,
with most of our cities on the coast, we radiate our cityscapes from the edge.
The seaside promenade becomes the urban climax, and we flock to it, instead of
the town square.
Waitangi and
Bastion Point, places of national contemplation for concepts of land ownership,
settlement and belonging, are both on coastal outcrops, scenic lookouts once
chosen for good views of an enemy, now raise us high enough for us to admire
the power and breadth of the ocean.
These are
both sites of self-representation and cultural and political exchange.
This project
will look at a new design for the Museum of New Zealand. Reading the national
museum as a place of self-representation and inter-cultural exchange, the
project will explore our obsession with the coast and the foreshore as a place
of gathering for New Zealanders, to inform a new design for the museum.
Masters by Project
Landscape Archtitecture
Rithy Heng
Principal Supervisor: Dr. Hamish Foote
Associate Supervisor: To be assigned
Title: Urban Renewal in Cambodia
Case study: Phnom Penh Park
Introduction:
Cities are the products of human civilization and settlement. They keep changing both physically and socially. With the advancement of technology and economic prosperity, urban lives in the 21st century have become more comfortable and easier. However, there are still some negative aspects arising from urban growth such as air pollution, traffic congestion, and inadequacy of public spaces where people can freely enjoy their time after work. The world has shifted the attention to the creation of a more livable and greener urban environment.
The reappearance of landscape in the larger cultural imagination is due, in part, to the remarkable rise of environmentalism and a global ecological awareness, to the growth of tourism and the associated needs of regions to retain a sense of unique identity, and to the impacts upon rural areas by massive urban growth.
James Corner, ‘TERRA FLUXUS’, The Landscape Urbanism Reader (2006).
The concept of urban renewal is vital for the lifespan of a city and planning as it helps curbing urban sprawl and introducing new lives into the old, sometimes abandoned, places. As the city is ageing, some parts of it have to be replaced by new elements to keep the city vibrant, livable, and sustainable.
Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, is one of the oldest cities in Southeast Asia dating back to 1431 A.D. The city underwent a lot of changes both physically and socially. During colonial period from 1863 to 1953, Phnom Penh became a center of French colonial government that left some French-styled buildings to present time. From 1953 to 1969, Phnom Penh was developed into one of the most modern cities in Asia acquiring the name “Pearl of Asia”. Modern buildings inspired by Khmer concept were built. In 1970, Cambodia plunged into civil war that destroyed almost everything.
After decades of civil war, it is now emerging as one of the world’s fastest growing economies. With an average annual GDP growth rate of around 7% for the past 5 years, rapid urbanization of major cities has been the norm. While higher living standards are apparent, some social indicators have shown signs of deterioration. For instance, the ever-increasing number of vehicles on the Phnom Penh city streets is causing worsening air pollution and traffic congestion. The lack of proper public parks to serve as relaxing places after work is a challenge for the city. The bottom line is Phnom Penh has yet to see creative and well-designed parks and recreational facilities that work as places where people socially interact and reduce stress levels.
Landscape Architecture is a relatively unknown profession in this region with development driven by mercantile and other economic imperatives. The main objectives of the proposed project are to establish the most feasible and best way to design a park in this context that will act as lung for the city, minimize the ecological impacts of urban growth whilst introduce the concept of Landscape Architectural practice to Cambodian society.
Masters
by Project Landscape Architecture
Title:
Sustainable Industrial Landscape
This
project asks: “How can landscape architects advance sustainable industrial
practice through social engagement?”
Light
and medium industries, such as distribution and small scale manufacturing,
focus on economic gain and efficiency which is often unsustainable.
Sustainability within in the context of industrial practice refers to the
ability of companies to be economically viable and productive while not
adversely affecting the natural and social environment. According to the Ministry for the Environment
“…sustainability is about meeting the needs of today, without adversely
impacting on the needs of tomorrow. As a term it can be applied across a range
of areas, such as the environment, society and the economy.”
Landscape
architecture aims to improve the environment, and sustainability is a common
design consideration. My research has led to the development of a design
methodology focused on shaping sustainable industrial practice through social
interactions. Social interactions, engagement and behavior have been
demonstrated to affect personal well-being, environmental awareness and care,
and aesthetic perception (Heaphy; Manning; Nassauer). Landscapes architecture
can alter an existing environment to generate increased quantity and quality of
social elements within landscape. An increase in positive interactions and
behavior can theoretically be utilized to improve sustainability.
Research
has led to the development of a design methodology focused on shaping
sustainable industrial practice through social behaviors, patterns, and
interactions. This then led to several areas of focus for landscape
architectural interventions:
- Orientation of site elements.
- Improved pedestrian and traffic
circulation.
- Communal space to bring people
together.
- Ease of management and maintenance.
A
design outcome from this methodology will be proposed for Harbourside Business
Park, part of the industrial precinct of Rosebank Peninsula, Auckland. Along
with the Rosebank Business Association (RBA), they are looking to improve the
commercial value and visual aesthetic of the business precinct through
landscape.
Exploration
through research and design will reveal new possibilities and explore how
social behavior in design can advance sustainable industrial practice in
Harbourside Business Park and other similar sites.
Masters
by Project Research Proposal
Landscape
Architecture
Grace
He
Principle
Supervisors: Hamish Foote, Matthew Bradbury
Title:
Multi Culturalism in the Urban Landscape
RESEARCH
QUESTION
How
can the urban designers work with the insights of multiculturalism to create a
new kind of inclusive public space in a city?
Introduction:
The field of multiculturalism is relatively new,
emerging first in the Western democracies prior to World War II; it is part of
the human rights revolution which explicitly propounded the equality of races
and peoples (Kymlicka. W. 2012)
Due to the ageing
population, New Zealand has one of fastest immigration population growth rates
in the world, Aotearoa New Zealand is now one of the world's most super-diverse
societies ( Spoonley
P, R Bedford, 2012). Compared with rural areas, the challenges of
dealing with multicultural societies in the cities are more intense due to this
rapidly changing social landscape ( Phillips. S 2013).
A city like Auckland has changed dramatically in its demographics over the past
two decades and will face a more diverse society in the near future. About 40
percent of Auckland’s population is made up of immigrants from many countries,
including the Pacific Islands, China, Korea, the Philippines, and South Africa,
and this number will continue increasing in the future ( Spoonley P, R Bedford, 2012) .
Aucklanders seem to be open
to cultural diversity and are more supportive of settlement assistance for
immigrants (Gendall et al., 2007). The
Auckland Draft Unitary Plan indicated that one of the critical disciplines of
Auckland’s future urban development is: the visibility of Auckland’s cultural
diversity (Draft Auckland Unitary Plan 2013) .
How does one transfer this social phenomenon - cultural diversity - to
the urban design methodology? This research intends to seek linkage and between
diverse cultural values and urban landscape, explore the opportunities to
integrate and represent those values in the urban landscape though design
practice.
This research are aim to:
·
Develop
a conceptual framework to assist in
understanding multiple cultural values in urban landscapes.
·
Identify
opportunities and challenges of how multicultural values can be integrated and
used in urban design practise.
·
Investigate
how urban landscapes can be designed and managed to foster positive community
relations, and promotes interactions in an ethno -‐ cultural neighbourhood.
Master of
Landscape Architecture 2014
Helen Frances
2nd Workshop
Supervisor: Hamish Foote/Matthew Bradbury
Working title
At the
confluence: heritage, rivers and walking.
Research question
How can a
river-side walkway be designed to meet the needs of multiple stakeholders, in a
site that is rich in heritage?
Abstract
This design
project draws on three frames of research.
The primary focus is the practice of landscape architecture in relation
to heritage, using the design of a walkway in a heritage-rich site as an
applied case study. Heritage is a
cultural construct, a version of the past created by people to serve their
needs in the present. It is intimately
related to place, and to people’s sense of identity and belonging. The research question puts emphasis on the
needs of multiple stakeholders. This
emphasis reflects the contestable and potentially complex nature of
heritage. What is significant and valued
by one group of people may not be so by others, so within this set of
relationships between landscape, heritage, identity and place is a political
dimension. A survey of local residents
has revealed that the literal facts of the community’s heritage story has
little meaning for most people, but that the story is valued for the sense of
community that it generates. The survey
also revealed some resistance to the hegemony of the heritage story, and a
desire to hear more diverse and suppressed narratives.
Secondly,
site analysis has examined the unique qualities of the rivers in the design
site, and their implications for design, whilst locating them in the larger
contexts of the spatial-temporal dynamics of rivers, the place of rivers in
culture, and the meaning of these rivers to the local community. Research so far has revealed that rivers and
heritage converge in the way in which they both define and reflect a sense of
place, and people’s sense of identification with place. They both engage with, and generate, cultural
and spiritual forces of memories, meanings and myths.
Third, the
research explores walking in culture, art, and landscape. Walking as a means of inhabiting the land and
“embedding” landscape as part of us converges with heritage and the rivers in the
making of place and identity. The
spatial unfolding and the temporal and sensual qualities of walking, and the
difference between meandering and purposeful walking also inform design.
Out of the
complex matrix of heritage, rivers, walking and landscape, this project aims to
generate a designed walkway for a particular community that responds to the
ways in which people forge their sense of place and belonging.
